Political Analysis : The Implications of Scottish Independence


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The lead­ers of the UK’s three main polit­i­cal par­ties (Con­ser­v­a­tives, Labour and Lib­eral Democ­rats) aban­doned the coun­tries weekly ques­tion time par­lia­men­tary debate to head to Scot­land to cam­paign against inde­pen­dence, ahead of the referendum.[1] The value of the nation’s cur­rency fell as opin­ion polls sug­gested the pro-UK cam­paign was los­ing its lead.[2] The United King­dom, located in North­ern Europe is a uni­tary state between Scot­land, Eng­land, Wales and North­ern Ire­land. Under a con­sti­tu­tional monar­chy the coun­try has a Par­lia­men­tary gov­ern­ment, with sig­nif­i­cant pow­ers devolved to regional gov­ern­ment or exec­u­tive, led by a First Min­is­ter. In 2012, after the call for inde­pen­dence grew and the suc­cess of the Scot­tish National Party (SNP) in the national elec­tion the UK and Scot­tish   gov­ern­ments signed the Edin­burgh Agree­ment set­ting out the terms for a ref­er­en­dum on Scot­tish inde­pen­dence, which will take place on 18th Sep­tem­ber 2014. Whilst Scot­land makes up a mere 7.7% of the UK econ­omy and con­sti­tutes only 8% of the UK’s pop­u­la­tion the out­come of the ref­er­en­dum will have seri­ous impli­ca­tions far beyond the British Isles and this can be seen from four areas.
Firstly, one of the main rea­sons Scot­land wants to go it alone is eco­nomic. Whilst wars between Catholics and Protes­tants were a reg­u­lar fea­ture of the British Isles the Union between the Eng­land and Scot­land in 1707 was due pri­mar­ily to the fail­ure in 1700 by Scot­tish noble­men to launch a trad­ing empire to rival England’s East India Com­pany in Panama. Crip­pled by poor sup­plies and ill­ness, Scotland’s noble­men lost some £400,000 — half of Scotland’s avail­able cap­i­tal. Des­per­ately need­ing access to England’s grow­ing wealth, Scotland’s noble­men decided future pros­per­ity was best served by a union with Eng­land. Whilst Scot­land got access to the British Empires colo­nial mar­kets, Britain’s decline as a global power and then shift away from indus­try in the 1980’s had an adverse affect on Scot­land. The decline of major indus­tries such as coal, steel and ship­build­ing has left seri­ous prob­lems of depri­va­tion in many urban areas of Scot­land. A 2014 report high­lighted nearly 1 mil­lion of Scotland’s 5 mil­lion pop­u­la­tion was liv­ing in poverty.[3]  Whilst much of the UK Mid­lands and North­ern areas still suf­fer from the effects of dein­dus­tri­al­iza­tion, for many Scots the union is no longer work­ing for them as the UK’s eco­nomic engine has moved to Lon­don and the South East of the coun­try. So much so that today the rich­est 10% of the coun­tries pop­u­la­tion own 50% of the country’s wealth.[4]
Sec­ondly, suc­ces­sive gov­ern­ments in the UKattempted to deal with this eco­nomic mald­is­tri­b­u­tion by devolv­ing power. This has been a trend across Europe to counter calls for seces­sion. The Euro­pean sov­er­eign debt cri­sis, which con­tin­ues to plague Europe, has only led to fur­ther calls by var­i­ous regions to secede from their unions. In Novem­ber 2014 Cat­alo­nia, with Barcelona as its eco­nomic hub will have a ref­er­en­dum to secede from the uni­tary state of Spain. Cata­lan nation­al­ism has been exac­er­bated by the Euro­pean eco­nomic cri­sis, with Cat­alo­ni­ans believ­ing the deficit dri­ven eco­nomic poli­cies of the Madrid gov­ern­ment are fail­ing them and they would pre­fer to go it alone. The dis­cov­ery of oil in the North Sea off the British Isles turned Scot­land into the EU’s largest oil pro­ducer and is one of the key argu­ments for an inde­pen­dent Scot­land. The UK like many of its Euro­pean coun­ter­parts imple­mented strict aus­ter­ity against their pop­u­lace as they bailed out their banks, but smaller regions believe they can do bet­ter eco­nom­i­cally if they are inde­pen­dent than as a region of a larger state. The abil­ity to tai­lor eco­nomic poli­cies closely to their own needs can give a small coun­try a bet­ter chance of suc­cess than the one-size-fits-all strate­gies of a larger state. Ear­lier this year Venice and its sur­round­ing areas held a non-binding online ref­er­en­dum on inde­pen­dence from Italy. The result even shocked the most ardent sup­port­ers of inde­pen­dence, 89% voted Yes![5]
Thirdly, If the Scots vote to secede from the UK then it is very likely it will open Pandora’s Box in Europe of mul­ti­ple suc­ces­sion move­ments look­ing to secede from nations they have never wanted to be part of. Whilst Cat­alon­ian and Scot­tish seces­sion has been dri­ven by eco­nom­ics, many move­ments across Europe based on ethno-sectarian lines have for long wanted for inde­pen­dence, often using vio­lent means. If a 300 year old union can be revised, then any­thing can be revised, then why shouldn’t oth­ers in Europe enjoy the same right? Italy has long been divided on a north-south axis due his­tor­i­cal devel­op­men­tal dif­fer­ences. The north­ern regions are some of the rich­est of Europe and rep­re­sent Italy’s finan­cial and indus­trial cen­ter. The south has tra­di­tion­ally been agriculture-based and ignored by the north in terms of infra­struc­ture and invest­ment. Due to this numer­ous sep­a­ratist move­ments have emerged in Italy. Sim­i­larly mod­ern Bel­gium was cre­ated in 1830 essen­tially as a buffer state between Europe’s super pow­ers France, Ger­many and the UK. As a result, the coun­try is inher­ently frac­tured and con­sists of three highly dis­tinct com­mu­ni­ties: Wal­lo­nia, in the south, is mainly French-speaking and has his­tor­i­cal ties with France. The Flemish-speaking com­mu­ni­ties in the north­ern region of Flan­ders share his­tor­i­cal ties with the Nether­lands. A small German-speaking com­mu­nity lives in the east near the Ger­man bor­der. A Scot­tish Yes vote will in all like­li­hood give cred­i­bil­ity to inde­pen­dence calls across the continent.
Fourthly, if the Scots do gain inde­pen­dence then seri­ous ques­tions will be asked of the Euro­pean Union project. His­tor­i­cally the wars that rav­aged Europe needed a solu­tion and this was where a union in Europe first emerged. It was believed Europe could over­come nation­al­ism through cre­at­ing a struc­ture in which Europe act as a union of states. In 1950 French For­eign Min­is­ter Robert Schu­man pro­posed the Euro­pean Coal and Steel Com­mu­nity, a com­mu­nity to inte­grate the coal and steel indus­tries of Europe — two ele­ments nec­es­sary to make weapons for war. This set in motion six decades of inte­gra­tion within Europe. The assump­tion was that who­ever wanted to join, they cede national sov­er­eignty to insti­tu­tions within the EUman­aged by tech­nocrats. The EU project is all about unit­ing the con­ti­nent, rather than nations sep­a­rat­ing and gain­ing inde­pen­dence. The eco­nomic cri­sis has brought to the sur­face the frac­ture deep within Europe – that of nation­al­ism. Whilst Greece has been forced to sur­ren­der its coun­try to the whims of theEU, the seces­sion of Scot­land from the United King­dom will open the door to oth­ers seek­ing seces­sion as a solu­tion to their prob­lems thus revers­ing the aims of the Euro­pean Union project.
The Scot­tish ref­er­en­dum will take place at a time when Europe remains mired in cri­sis. Whilst the Euro­pean cri­sis has been blamed on the periph­eral economies like Greece and Ire­land, ulti­mately eco­nom­i­cally stronger and polit­i­cally more pow­er­ful economies dom­i­nate Europe par­a­sit­i­cally exploit­ing the weaker mem­bers. This is why Euro-scepticism is at an all-time high and why many regions want to go it alone. For Eng­land, Scot­tish seces­sion will raise some seri­ous strate­gic issues. Scot­tish inde­pen­dence would bring into ques­tion Eng­lish dom­i­nance of the British Isles and the imme­di­ate seas around the UK. Eng­land achieved this by keep­ing Wales and Scot­land polit­i­cally and eco­nom­i­cally con­nected to Lon­don. As a part of this strat­egy, Lon­don allowed Scot­land to have vary­ing degrees of auton­omy over time so as not to breed resent­ment. The rest of Europe is fol­low­ing the Scot­tish ref­er­en­dum closely because it could become the smok­ing gun for other regions seek­ing independence.


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