Political Analysis : America’s Asia Pivot – 3 Years on

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America’s Pivot to Asia entered the inter­na­tional lex­i­con in 2011 when the then Sec­re­tary of state Hillary Clin­ton announced: “Our endur­ing inter­ests in the region [Asia Pacific] demands our endur­ing pres­ence in this region … The United States is a Pacific power and we are here to stay … As we end today’s wars [the defeats and retreats from Iraq and Afghanistan]… I have directed my national secu­rity team to make our pres­ence and mis­sions in the Asia Pacific a top priority.”[1] Then in 2012, US Sec­re­tary of Defence, Leon Panetta, announced at a secu­rity con­fer­ence in Sin­ga­pore that the US will shift 60% of its war­ships to the region over the com­ing years until 2020. He explained that the “trans­fer of the US fleet comes in the con­text of the imple­men­ta­tion of a new US strat­egy designed to raise the level of US mil­i­tary pres­ence in the Asia-Pacific.”[2] As US pres­i­dent Barack Obama vis­its Japan, South Korea, the Philip­pines and Malaysia to breathe life into America’s Asia Pivot strat­egy, it is clear there has been very  lit­tle progress so far.
With the draw­down in Iraq and Afghanistan in full swing, the Pivot has been about seek­ing closer ties — both mil­i­tar­ily and eco­nom­i­cally — with coun­tries dot­ting the Pacific Rim. In 2012 the US worked to shape mul­ti­lat­eral regional insti­tu­tions in the Asia-Pacific region. This was to unify some coun­tries against China and to pre­vent a pow­er­ful regional coali­tion from tak­ing shape that did not involve the US. The insti­tu­tions with which Wash­ing­ton engaged included the Asso­ci­a­tion of South­east Asian Nations (ASEAN) — described by US Sec­re­tary of State Hillary Clin­ton as the ‘ful­crum for the region’s emerg­ing archi­tec­ture’ and sev­eral ASEAN-led eco­nomic and strate­gic insti­tu­tions, includ­ing the East Asia Sum­mit (EAS) and Asia-Pacific Eco­nomic Coop­er­a­tion (APEC). These struc­tures were in the process of being reshaped, allow­ing the US a greater say in their futures.
In 2013 the US moved aggres­sively in the region as North Korea began nuclear tests. These nuclear tests were used by the US to esca­late ten­sions in the region. In the face of much sabre rat­tling by the North Korean leader Kim Jong-un, the US esca­lated ten­sions through a num­ber of provoca­tive actions. This included its annual US-South Korea mil­i­tary exer­cises, which involved the dis­patch­ing of a pair of nuclear-capable B-2 stealth bombers on a train­ing mis­sion over the Korean penin­sula. US offi­cials described this as a way of under­scor­ing US com­mit­ment to its long­stand­ing regional allies, Japan and South Korea. This was a depar­ture for the US who usu­ally calls for calm when North Korea ratch­ets up aggres­sion and in the past almost always calls for talks which defuse ten­sions. The US on this occa­sion responded to each North Korean provo­ca­tion with a stronger sig­nal of its own. The US pro­voked North Korea in order to bol­ster its pres­ence in the region and increase its mil­i­tary foot­print, which is what the ‘pivot’ prac­ti­cally means in the Asia-Pacific region. This is why Obama reit­er­ated: “Wash­ing­ton has an oblig­a­tion (to) defend the home­land (and) reas­sure South Korea and Japan that America’s defence com­mit­ments remain firm.“[3]
After suc­cess­fully exploit­ing the esca­la­tion, the US was able to jus­tify expand­ing its mil­i­tary pres­ence in the region and the deploy­ment of the Bal­lis­tic Mis­sile Shield (BMD). As always it even­tu­ally returned to dia­logue with the six party talks which made China respon­si­ble for the actions of North Korea. The rest of 2013 con­sisted of the US re-calibrating a num­ber of regional alliances, revis­ing defence coop­er­a­tion agree­ments and set­tling some out­stand­ing issues on the pres­ence of US mil­i­tary per­son­nel. A num­ber of vis­its to the region in Octo­ber 2013 were can­celled due to the US gov­ern­ment shut­down. Diplo­matic efforts for Asia repeat­edly fell vic­tim to domes­tic issues. Trips to Malaysia and the Philip­pines also fell vic­tim to the US shut­down. Pres­i­den­tial vis­its are impor­tant for achiev­ing strate­gic objec­tives, as opposed to tech­ni­cal arrange­ments han­dled by lower-level negotiators.
The US was able to develop the out­line of a new strat­egy, with South Korea termed  as ‘tai­lored deter­rence’ after provo­ca­tions with North Korea. The con­cept focused on coor­di­nat­ing US and South Korean responses to spe­cific threats in spe­cific sce­nar­ios, par­tic­u­larly in the form of counter-missile strat­egy. Wash­ing­ton and Seoul affirmed that they would try to trans­fer wartime oper­a­tional con­trol to South Korean forces in 2015. With Japan, the US agreed to a range of new deploy­ments of mil­i­tary hard­ware, includ­ing a new X-band radar, three Global Hawk unmanned aer­ial vehi­cles for sur­veil­lance and 42 F-35 fighter jets. The sides also resolved some tech­ni­cal­i­ties on the long-debated plan to trans­fer 9,000 USMarines from Oki­nawa Island to Guam, the North­ern Mar­i­anas, Hawaii and rota­tions in Aus­tralia, whilst also pro­ceed­ing with the Futenma base relo­ca­tion and other mea­sures to ease the bur­den on Oki­nawa which has become a polit­i­cal prob­lem for Tokyo.
America’s Asia Pivot strat­egy since its announce­ment has been slow, as the US lacked the capac­ity to aggres­sively move for­ward. The US views China as its major threat, as China has its sights on dom­i­nat­ing the Asia-Pacific region. America’s pivot will nev­er­the­less con­tinue to evolve both eco­nom­i­cally and mil­i­tar­ily because the US is draw­ing down in the Mid­dle East, which will give it the nec­es­sary resources to focus on the Far East. For the moment though, the pivot to the Asia-Pacific remains work in progress.


[1] CNN,  Novem­ber 16 2011

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